By Sarwar Kashmeri
American overseas coverage towards Europe is merrily rolling alongside the trail of least resistance, within the trust that there's not anything particularly amiss with the European-American dating that multilateralism won't repair. now not precise, argues Kashmeri. The alliance is useless, can't be fastened, and has to be renegotiated. It has now not grown to house Europe's emergence as an enormous strength. one of those usa of Europe, with international priorities various from these of the us, has arrived at America's doorstep. yet the USA continues to be forging overseas coverage for Europe utilizing chilly battle realities; either Democrats and Republicans anticipate the eu Union to fall into step, and document for provider as needed—under American leadership.Europe, even if, has different plans, and because it turns into extra robust at the international level, competing visions of ecu management have emerged. The Iraq struggle has introduced them into stark aid. for instance, as Kashmeri issues out, the Atlantic divide over Iraq used to be extra approximately French-British festival for management of Europe than it was once a few department among American ambitions and eu ambitions. He portrays British international coverage as out of contact with fact, as a coverage that has performed a disservice to the U.S. end result of the Blair government's exaggerated and self-serving view of the British-American certain courting. Kashmeri concludes with prescriptions for forging a brand new alliance in accordance with a different dating with the eu Union. This schedule is galvanized through the recommendations of the leaders who spoke to the writer particularly for this booklet, between them former president George H. W. Bush, former British top minister John significant, James A. Baker III, Wesley ok. Clark, Brent Scowcroft, Paul Volcker, U.S. Senator Chuck Hagel, and Caspar W. Weinberger.
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Additional resources for America and Europe after 9 11 and Iraq: The Great Divide
Wesley Clark Nothing exemplifies the transatlantic alliance as does the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Scowcroft’s belief that at its heart the current rift is really about the future leadership of the European Union was shared by General Wesley Clark, who, as Supreme Allied Commander in Europe, led NATO into battle during the Kosovo crisis—the only battle NATO has ever fought. It was not the most inspiring episode in NATO history. Geared to blocking and defeating a Soviet invasion of Europe, NATO found itself unprepared to deal with the politically infected conflict in the Balkans, against forces that, under other circumstances, would not have lasted an hour against it on the battlefield.
No, because the British were there, and there was a lot of conversation and chatter from other countries about supporting the United States; but the Brits were the only ones there with forces on the ground,” he said. The main lesson from Iraq was clear for Hagel: “We cannot function in this kind of a world in a unilateral fashion,” he told me. A few weeks later, quoting Joseph Nye, dean of the Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University, he said that “Crisis-driven ‘coalitions of the willing’ are not by themselves the building blocks for a stable world.
The first Bush administration, with Baker as secretary of state, recognized the geopolitical dividends that would result from the unification of Germany. The benefits would also include significant economic and political benefits for Germany, a vitally important Western ally that was the driving force of the European economy. And there was a good chance that a unified Germany would push the already crumbling Soviet Union over the precipice. When I met with Baker, the headlines were full of coverage of the election campaign in Germany, a campaign in which German Chancellor This Rift Is Different 19 Gerhard Schroeder had been capitalizing on the anti-American mood of the German electorate to shore up an electoral victory.